The Bad Sufi
A look at the practice of
Contemporary Sufism in Pakistan. by
Qalandar Bux Memon 19 feb,2010
It is often assumed that Sufism stands opposed
to Wahhabism. Wrong.
Sufism and Wahhabism, in fact, share a fatal
characteristic – they are
religions of the status quo. In Pakistan,
Sufism legitimises
barbarities of inequality and starvation –
‘do nothing, it’s god’s
will’ - while at the same time justifying
structures of oppressive
power, Pirism and landlordism, rather like
Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia.
Contemporary Sufism, rather than being a
solution to Pakistan’s
problems, is the cause.
I was sitting at the shrine of Shah Kamal in
Lahore, with the dhol
beats and whirling dervishes dancing to
connect to the ‘centre of the
universe in themselves’, when a friend
turned and pointed to an old
German fellow sitting a few meters from us.
“He just delivered a
lecture on Sufism. He is an expert on the
subject, and talked about
how it’s a religion of peace and love.”
I replied curtly: “Have you ever been in
love? Have you had your heart
broken? What peace is there in that state?
What peace was there when
Mansur had his head chopped off on the
orders of the Baghdadi Emperor?
What peace was there when Shah Inayat was
fighting against the Mughal
emperor for his life and that of his
commune? What peace is there in
Sassui’s peeling feet as she searches for
her beloved through the
desert of Sindh?”
My friend agreed and said: “But they pay me
– I have to go along with them.”
Western and Pakistani policymakers think
Islam can be codified as
either a religion of peace and love and
given the brand of Sufism, or
as a religion of violent jihad. They think
it’s better, at this point
in time, to promote the peaceful religion of
Sufism.
Note how the word Islam is taken out –
Sufism is codified as not
really Islam. Thus Sufism is considered a
perfect native antidote to
the violent religion of Islam.
Why are dollars, pounds, rupees and Euros
going to promote Sufism?
What is it about today’s Sufism that allows
it to serve a purpose for
the American empire, and what function does
it play locally in
Pakistan?
The answer was hard for me to stomach. I had
spent much time
researching aspects of Sufism, and I thought
I’d found a touchstone
from which to articulate a spirituality that
was socially radical and
politically challenging to Pakistan’s
parasitic elite and the US/Nato
invaders. Ziauddin Sardar, polymath writer
and scholar of Islam,
forced me to face the facts.
He called Sufism “docile”, acting as an
opiate for the masses, with
most Pirs/Syeds/Sufis amounting to nothing
short of “confidence
tricksters”. And indeed, Sufism is docile. A
shopkeeper in Main
Market, Gulberg, had an emblem of the Sufi
saint Lal Qalandar hanging
in his shop, which he had got from Sehraw
Sharif, Sindh, the town
where the saint is buried. He said that
“what these people do not
realise is that 80 per cent of what we pray
at the shrine [of Lal
Qalandar] comes true.” A popular song sung
across the Punjab at Sufi
shrines tells women that if they light a
lantern at the shrine of
saints, their desire for a ‘son’ will be
answered.
Items given by holy Pirs - threads, rings,
blessings, and even sexual
induction before marriage (in the case of a
notorious Sindhi
landlord/Pir) - are taken as altering the
universe and leading to the
granting of prayers of health, wealth, and
other worthy claims by this
mass of the wretched that is the Pakistani
citizen. It is not only
candles and lanterns that are lit at the
shrines; money is exchanged
and power is sustained. It is this power
that has created a “docile”
Sufism.
Pakistan is a vastly unequal society.
Government figures put those
below the poverty line at close to 40 per
cent of the population,
though the true figure may be closer to 50
per cent. Inequity is the
hallmark of the Sindh province of Pakistan,
which is celebrated as
“the land of the Sufis” and is where Sufis
and Pirs hold power. A
recent World Bank report noted that Sindh
has the narrowest
distribution of land ownership, with the
richest one per cent of
farmers owning 150 per cent more land than
the bottom 62 per cent of
farmers put together. Feudal landlords in
vast parts of Sindh have
holdings of thousands of acres, and most of
them are Syeds or Pirs.
These lands were sometimes acquired during
the Mughal era but were
largely consolidated during the British
colonial rule in India. The
British, looking for local collaborators,
found Sufi Pirs willing to
oblige.
Sarah Ansari, in her book, Sufi Saints and
State Power: The Pirs of
Sind, 1843-1947, notes: ‘the Sindhi Pirs
participated in the British
system of control in order to protect their
privileges and to extend
them further whenever and wherever
possible’.
Today’s feudalists are keen to protect and
promote “docile” Sufism to
sustain their wealth and power – this time
with US help.
Wealth is created by a pool of landless
serfs who toil thousands of
acres for their spiritual masters, while
seeing their own children
starve. These serfs create the wealth that
sends the Bhuttos and the
Gilanis to universities such as Oxford and
Harvard, while their
children get “blessings” and threads of “Pirs”.
This stream of
inequity from generation to generation is
based on a lame theological
idea, which nonetheless has been promoted by
the Mughal Empire, the
British Empire, the landlords themselves,
and now by the American
Empire, and thanks to such patronage has
gained far more ground than
the Taliban. It states that the Prophet was
given divine
light/knowledge, which passes on to his
descendents. These descendents
append the honorific title of ‘Syed’
[literally, ‘master’], and claim
divine and material privileges.
Pirs justify their superiority on a similar
argument – they were given
the light, and this light continues to
radiate in their descendants.
At a recital of the poetry of the radical
Sufi Waris Shah held each
year in Lahore, the descendents of Iman Bari
Sarkar (a Pir) enter the
arena to be received with awe and sought for
blessings by the crowd.
The recital stops and they are escorted to
the front and seated. All
eyes are on these holy men who are not only
descendents of a Pir but
also Syeds – thus, doubly blessed with
‘light’! And then they begin
expounding their ideology: “We the Syeds get
different treatment from
God Almighty, for our good deeds we get
double the reward compared to
‘murids’ [non-Syeds] who only get single
reward for a single good deed
… but, it’s not easy to be a Syed … [he
laughs] … we have to suffer
double the punishment for our any wrong
deeds whereas you [non-Syeds]
get only single punishment for a single
wrong deed!”
There you have it! Our holy man explains why
he has a Land Cruiser
jeep and “non-Syeds” have donkey carts. He
explains why most
Pakistanis are living in poverty while he
and his Syeds and Pirs are
lapping it up in luxury.
Contemporary Sufism is the ideology of
Sindh’s landlords. It is the
ideology that is used to uphold their wealth
and despotism, and keeps
millions in serfdom. A similar pattern is
repeated throughout
Pakistan. Given the lack of proportional
representation and the vast
inequality in power in each district between
Pirs and the rest, it is
almost always the case that elections flood
parliament with
Pirs/Syeds/landlords. The current Pakistani
Prime Minister (Syed
Yousaf Raza Gilani) and Foreign Minister (Makhdoom
Shah Mehmood
Qureshi) are examples. Both have the claim
of being descended from
Holy Pirs as the basis of their wealth and
distinction. As a result,
we cannot expect parliament to challenge
inequity and injustice in
Pakistan.
Parliamentarians know that lack of
education, coupled with the
obscurantism of contemporary Sufism,
sustains their power. Like the
British before them, the Americans don’t
care about Pakistan’s growing
multitude of serfs and the underclass, they
don’t care whether the
Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister of
Pakistan are deeply rooted
in the cause of inequity and injustice in
the country and part of the
promotion of a system of starvation – a
Sufism that tells people to
take a blessing instead of demanding food,
education, justice and
liberty. Like the British, they will fund
whoever furthers their
interests. We, however, must care.